Schmitt changed universities in , when he became professor of law at the Handelshochschule in Berlin , and again in , when he accepted a position in Cologne.
While churches are predominant in religion or society is predominant in economics, the state is predominant in politics. Yet for Schmitt the political was not an autonomous domain equivalent to the other domains, but rather the existential basis that would determine any other domain should it reach the point of politics e.
The political is not equal to any other domain, such as the economic which distinguishes between profitable and not profitable , but instead is the most essential to identity. Schmitt, in perhaps his best-known formulation, bases his conceptual realm of state sovereignty and autonomy upon the distinction between friend and enemy.
This distinction is to be determined "existentially", which is to say that the enemy is whoever is "in a specially intense way, existentially something different and alien, so that in the extreme case conflicts with him are possible. Although there have been divergent interpretations concerning this work, there is broad agreement that "The Concept of the Political" is an attempt to achieve state unity by defining the content of politics as opposition to the "other" that is to say, an enemy, a stranger.
This applies to any person or entity that represents a serious threat or conflict to one's own interests. Additionally, the prominence of the state stands as a neutral force dominating potentially fractious civil society, whose various antagonisms must not be allowed to affect politics, lest civil war result.
Schmitt's positive reference for Leo Strauss , and Schmitt's approval of his work, had been instrumental in winning Strauss the scholarship funding that allowed him to leave Germany. Writing to Schmitt during , Strauss summarized Schmitt's political theology thus: "[B]ecause man is by nature evil, he therefore needs dominion. But dominion can be established, that is, men can be unified only in a unity against—against other men. Every association of men is necessarily a separation from other men The Nomos of the Earth is Schmitt's most historical and geopolitical work.
Published in , it was also one of his final texts. It describes the origin of the Eurocentric global order, which Schmitt dates from the discovery of the New World , discusses its specific character and its contribution to civilization, analyses the reasons for its decline at the end of the 19th century, and concludes with prospects for a new world order. It defends European achievements, not only in creating the first truly global order of international law , but also in limiting war to conflicts among sovereign states, which, in effect, civilized war.
In Schmitt's view, the European sovereign state was the greatest achievement of Occidental rationalism; in becoming the principal agency of secularization, the European state created the modern age. Notable in Schmitt's discussion of the European epoch of world history is the role played by the New World , which ultimately replaced the old world as the centre of the Earth and became the arbiter in European and world politics.
According to Schmitt, the United States ' internal conflicts between economic presence and political absence, between isolationism and interventionism, are global problems, which today continue to hamper the creation of a new world order. But however critical Schmitt is of American actions at the end of the 19th century and after World War I, he considered the United States to be the only political entity capable of resolving the crisis of global order.
In it Schmitt focuses his attention on Shakespeare 's Hamlet and argues that the significance of the work hinges on its ability to integrate history in the form of the taboo of the queen and the deformation of the figure of the avenger. Schmitt uses this interpretation to develop a theory of myth and politics that serves as a cultural foundation for his concept of political representation. Beyond literary criticism or historical analysis, Schmitt's book also reveals a comprehensive theory of the relationship between aesthetics and politics that responds to alternative ideas developed by Walter Benjamin and Theodor W.
Schmitt's Theory of the Partisan originated in two lectures delivered during ,  and has been seen as a rethinking of The Concept of the Political. It contains an implicit theory of the terrorist, which during the 21st century has resulted in yet another new theory of war and enmity.
In the lectures, Schmitt directly tackles the issues surrounding "the problem of the Partisan" figure: the guerrilla or revolutionary who "fights irregularly" p. Jacques Derrida , in his Politics of Friendship remarked:. Despite certain signs of ironic distrust in the areas of metaphysics and ontology, The Concept of the Political was, as we have seen, a philosophical type of essay to 'frame' the topic of a concept unable to constitute itself on philosophical ground.
But in Theory of the Partisan , it is in the same areas that the topic of this concept is both radicalized and properly uprooted, where Schmitt wished to regrasp in history the event or node of events that engaged this uprooting radicalisation, and it is precisely there that the philosophical as such intervenes again.
Schmitt concludes Theory of the Partisan with the statement: "The theory of the partisan flows into the question of the concept of the political, into the question of the real enemy and of a new nomos of the earth. Through Walter Benjamin , Giorgio Agamben , Andrew Arato , Chantal Mouffe and other writers, Schmitt has become a common reference in recent writings of the intellectual left as well as the right. Schmitt's argument that political concepts are secularized theological concepts has also recently been seen as consequential for those interested in contemporary political theology.
Press, Taubes' understanding of political theology is, however, very different from Schmitt's, and emphasizes the political aspect of theological claims, rather than the religious derivation of political claims. Timothy D. Snyder has asserted that Schmitt's work has greatly influenced Eurasianist philosophy in Russia by revealing a counter to the liberal order. Some have argued that neoconservativism has been influenced by Schmitt.
Note: a complete bibliography of all English translations of Schmitt's books, articles, essays, and correspondence is available here. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article is about the German jurist and political theorist. For the American artist, see Carl Schmitt artist. For people with a similar name, see Carl Schmidt. Plettenberg , Prussia , German Empire.
Politics Jurisprudence Constitutional law Political theology Philosophy of religion. Introduction to Political Theory. Piero Gobetti and the Politics of Liberal Revolution. Frye, The Journal of Politics, Vol. Harvard Law Review.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, — New Haven: Yale University Press, xxix. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, The Enemy. Political Theory.
The National Interest. Retrieved The Concept of the Political: Expanded Edition. University of Chicago Press.
On the February 28, decree of the Ausnahmezustand state of exception , Agamben notes that this very term was conspicuously absent: "The decree remained de facto in force until the end of the Third Reich The state of exception thus ceases to be referred to as an external and provisional state of factual danger and comes to be confused with juridical rule itself. Carl Schmitt. Claridge Press.
Telos : Editors' introduction to Political Theology II. The Politics of Friendship.
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